On June 22, 2024, Pakistan’s Supreme Central Committee for National Action Plan approved Operation Azm-e-Istekam (Resolved for Stability), a new counter-terrorism operation to aggressively counter extremism and terrorism. The decision came almost three years after the Afghan Taliban came to power in Afghanistan. This milestone was supported and celebrated by Pakistan’s top brass and has strengthened the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) ever since.
As the latest in a series of operations against the Taliban threat in the country, the effort, like past operations, drew immediate criticism, especially over the potential for large-scale civilian displacement. To address these concerns, the Prime Minister’s Office issued a statement clarifying that the operation should not be compared to previous movement operations, as they have been “falsely misinterpreted.” Instead, the Prime Minister’s Office emphasized that this will be a reinvigoration of the Revised National Action Plan (Revised NAP-2021), a revised version of the original plan launched after the Peshawar Army Public School massacre in 2014.
The operation has since been renamed “Vijn Azm-e-Istekam” and is reportedly expected to strengthen ongoing intelligence-based operations (IBO) rather than launch a new armed operation. dawn.
Are all stakeholders on the same page?
The decision was reportedly taken with the consensus of all stakeholders, including the four provinces and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, but faced strong opposition from Pakistani political parties, mainly Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Jamiat Ulama-e-Islami Fazl (JUI-F) and Awami National Party (ANP). PTI Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Ali Amin Gandapur denied having discussed the operation with him. Meanwhile, JUI-F leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman maintained that the decision on Kabul should not be taken hastily or emotionally, calling it “adam-e-istekaam” (unstable).
Responding to the opposition protests in parliament, Defence Minister Khwaja Asif accused the opposition of siding with the terrorists and promised to listen to parliament. The army also expressed concern over “unfair criticism and deliberate misinterpretation” of the operation.
The government has struggled to get active cooperation from local residents and has been unable to clearly communicate that the operation is aimed at benefiting them. Insurgents want a greater say in the operation as militant-hit areas (mainly KP and Balochistan) are their strongholds and they have often borne the brunt of counterterrorism operations without adequate compensation.
With partisan politics overshadowing national security interests, the government has decided to convene an All Parties Conference (APC) to address concerns over Operation Vision-e-Azm-e-Isteqam. Though the date is yet to be finalized, Imran Khan’s announcement that PTI will participate is a positive development for both security and political stability.
External pressure and gravity
Media have highlighted China’s role in pushing Pakistan to launch a major counter-terrorism operation, especially since the announcement came after a senior Chinese official stressed that the security situation in Pakistan was shaking investor confidence and threatening the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the $62 billion flagship project of China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
That same month, Prime Minister Sharif visited China, where President Xi Jinping stressed the need for a “secure, stable and predictable business environment” and the security of Chinese people and interests in Pakistan. While Chinese concerns undoubtedly drove Pakistan’s decision, domestic factors such as relative economic and political stability also factor into Pakistan’s decision matrix.
Regarding Afghanistan, Defense Minister Asif asserted in a recent interview that Pakistan would continue to target terror sites in Afghanistan, arguing that such attacks would not violate international law because Kabul has exported terrorism to Pakistan. “We are not going to treat them to cakes and pastries. If they attack us, we will hit back,” Asif told the BBC.
Pakistan has kept the door open for dialogue, even though relations with Afghanistan are at an all-time low. A statement at the start of the operation said it would “intensify efforts to reduce terrorist operating space through regional cooperation.” There are indications that the Afghan Taliban are willing to cooperate by relocating TTP fighters from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border to other provinces in Afghanistan and are building settlements to house TTP members and their families. It remains to be seen whether this will bear fruit and how effective it will be in reducing terrorism-related violence in Pakistan.
Ahead of the UN-sponsored Third Doha Conference on Afghanistan, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar declared Afghanistan a “top priority” and stressed Pakistan’s willingness to cooperate on health issues, including polio eradication. During the conference, an Afghan Taliban delegation met with Pakistan’s Special Representative for Afghanistan and expressed hope for a “positive relationship” between the two countries.
Amid pressure from neighboring countries, Pakistan has received support from the US in its counterterrorism efforts. According to Dawn, in late June, Pakistan’s ambassador to the US asked the US to provide “advanced small arms and communications equipment” to make the new counterterrorism effort a success. In May, the latest Pakistan-US counterterrorism dialogue reaffirmed the country’s commitment to address the challenges posed by the TTP and ISIS-Khorasan.
Returning to domestic issues, the Pakistani government recognizes the need for a comprehensive socio-economic response to eradicate the foundations of extremism, but its efforts in this area have been lackluster, compounded by a lack of cooperation between civilian and military, and federal and provincial, authorities. As a result, Pakistan has been forced to launch repeated similar operations, often with great publicity, that have either failed or been reversed by emboldened extremists.
Vanthirani Patro is a Research Scientist at the Centre for Aerodynamic Research, New Delhi. Views expressed here are personal.
