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Whenever Americans choose their next president, the contest is watched around the world.
There are countless ways in which U.S. foreign policy, and the actions of the White House, affect different parts of the world.
America’s influence abroad is sure to have an impact on Thursday’s first debate between Joe Biden and Donald Trump.
But this election is not just important for Ukraine, Israel and Gaza.
Eight of the BBC’s foreign correspondents explain why this election rematch is causing a stir in their communities.
Russians will be watching the instability closely.
Steve Rosenberg, Russia Editor, Moscow
Imagine you’re Vladimir Putin: Who would you want in the White House?
The guy who called you a “killer” and vowed to support Ukraine? (Joe Biden)
Or the candidate who criticized U.S. military aid to Kiev and said he would encourage NATO allies that don’t meet defense spending guidelines “to let Russia do whatever it wants.”
The Kremlin leader, who always likes surprises, has openly said he hopes Joe Biden will keep his job, citing his “predictability.”
But Russia should view such public support with great suspicion: the election of a NATO-skeptic, Ukraine-skeptic US president is likely to be seen by Russia as three lemons in the geopolitical fruit machine.
The benefits to Moscow are not guaranteed: The Kremlin was disappointed with Trump’s first administration.
In 2016, a Russian official confessed to me that they celebrated Trump’s victory with cigars and champagne. But the champagne was empty. They had hoped for an improvement in Russian-American relations, but that never happened.
Who’s to say that a second Trump term wouldn’t be similarly disappointing in Moscow?
Regardless of who wins the race for the White House, Russian authorities will likely be closely monitoring signs of political instability and polarization in the United States after the election and looking for ways to exploit them.
The biggest difference is over Taiwan
By Laura Bicker, China correspondent, Beijing
Both candidates are seeking to take a tougher stance against Beijing and have similar economic policies to counter China’s rise, including raising tariffs on cheap Chinese products.
However, the two countries have very different approaches to dealing with China’s regional influence.
Biden has strengthened ties with China in the hope that a united front would send a clear message to an increasingly assertive Beijing.
But once he became president, Trump focused less on being a statesman and more on getting what he considered the “best deal.” He threatened to withdraw U.S. troops from South Korea if it didn’t pay the U.S. more.
The biggest difference between the two is in Taiwan.
Biden has repeatedly said his government would defend Taiwan, by force if necessary, if President Xi Jinping follows through on his promise to reunify the island with mainland China.
But Trump has accused Taiwan of undermining American businesses and voiced opposition to a U.S. bill to send aid to Taiwan, raising doubts about whether he would be willing to help Taipei if needed.
When the US votes, China is unlikely to gain an advantage in the fight.
Beijing sees an unpredictable Trump as a threat to undermine and divide U.S. allies in the region, but could also spark a new trade war.
They are also not keen on Biden staying on for another four years, as they believe his alliance-building could lead to a new Cold War.
Ukrainians are bystanders of crucial vote
Gordon Colella, security correspondent in Kiev
Perhaps no foreign country is where U.S. elections matter more than in Ukraine.
Everyone knows that U.S. support in the form of money and weapons has been essential to prop up the Ukrainian war effort, and few believe Europe can fill the gap quickly or easily.
But here in Kiev, most people are not paying as much attention to the details of the campaign as one might expect.
That’s because, as one person told me, November still feels a long way away, with more pressing concerns like Russian glide bombs hitting cities and the Ukrainian military fighting to stop a Russian advance.
They are well aware of what is being said about Ukraine during the election. When it comes to Donald Trump, analysts here know that he is talking about ending the war and cutting aid.
While some worry that Trump will try to force an unwanted deal from Ukraine, experts warn that it’s not what he says on the campaign trail or in debates that matters, but what he does under his administration.
And there’s also recognition that a Joe Biden victory wouldn’t avoid challenges, given how long it took for the last aid package to pass through Congress.
So the stakes for Ukraine are high, but they remain on the sidelines and the unpredictability is something Ukrainians have long accepted.
More uncertainty for the UK
James Landale, London Diplomatic Correspondent
British policymakers told me they were watching the US election with unease.
In some ways there is anxiety about decisions that may have implications for the UK.
Would a return of President Trump to the White House weaken U.S. military support for Ukraine and bring him closer to President Vladimir Putin?
Will he provoke another fight with Europe over the NATO military alliance? Will he provoke a trade war with China?
Would a second term for President Biden lead to greater isolationism and protectionism in the United States? Would he be physically able to serve another four years as president?
On another level, there are broader concerns: There are fears in the UK that a close election result on November 5th that many American voters do not accept as legitimate could lead to political violence worse than the January 2021 storming of the Capitol.
A crisis in American democracy could damage America’s global leadership and encourage dictators around the world.
All of this is worrying politicians from both major parties in the UK ahead of the July 4th election.
Will they one day be forced to choose between upholding democratic values and maintaining relationships with traditional allies? Will they have to choose between the United States and Europe on big issues?
In particular, the US elections bring further uncertainty to the UK in an increasingly uncertain world.
Details of the discussion
Majority of Israeli Jews support Trump over Biden
Yolande Nel, Middle East correspondent
Both candidates are being closely watched with the understanding that the race for the White House will have real consequences.
President Biden has strongly supported Israel after the shocking October 7 attack, continuing to supply arms to Israel even as he has been critical of the fighting and the large number of Palestinian civilians killed.
Overall, polls suggest a larger share of Israeli Jews think Trump would be better for Israel than Biden, with most unhappy with Biden’s handling of the war, and Palestinians widely see him as ignoring their suffering.
Israelis remember fondly that Trump formally recognized Jerusalem as the country’s capital and forged new agreements establishing diplomatic ties between Israel and Arab countries.
He supports the war in Gaza but has urged Israel to “end the war”, saying it is damaging Israel’s image.
Palestinians have little hope of a second term for Biden, who they believe would make things even worse for them under Trump, and former President Biden has pledged to cut off all US aid to the Palestinians if elected.
In the long term, President Biden continues to support a two-state solution, the established international formula for peace, but has not laid out a concrete plan for achieving it. President Trump has expressed doubts about the feasibility of an independent Palestinian state.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is widely believed to want Trump back in office, but the former president is said to resent Trump’s recognition of Biden’s victory in the 2020 presidential election.
India: The tone may change, but not much else will change.
By Samira Hussain, Delhi correspondent
In the eyes of the White House, India is in a great position.
The United States sees India as a geopolitical counterweight to China. India is also the world’s fifth-largest economy and is on track to leap to third by 2030. Earlier this month, India held the world’s largest democratic election, with Narendra Modi sworn in as prime minister for a third consecutive term.
India is accused at home of backsliding democratically and misrepresenting its economic reality, but none of this matters to the United States, given India’s strategic importance.
Whatever happens in November will not affect how India operates on the international stage. Both candidates are well known.
If Biden remains president, the status quo will be maintained, with healthy trade relations and red carpet treatment. Last year, Modi paid an official visit to Washington, where a lavish reception was held in his honour at the White House. He also addressed a joint session of Parliament.
If Trump is re-elected, the only difference may be a matter of tone. Trump has previously called Modi an exceptional leader. Trump visited India in 2020, drawing tens of thousands of people to Modi’s home state of Gujarat to meet the US president alongside the Indian prime minister.
Proof that India can handle any political outcome.
Trump’s provocative rhetoric continues to cause discomfort in Mexico
Will Grant, Mexico correspondent
Mexico recently held a presidential election that resulted in the historic selection of Claudia Scheinbaum as the country’s first female president.
Her close aide, outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, forged an unlikely alliance with Donald Trump during his time in the White House. While Mexico’s relationship with Mr. Biden has been strained at times, the two countries have consistently found common ground in key areas such as immigration and cross-border trade.
Once in power, Sheinbaum will need to demonstrate that he’s not just an extension of the previous administration, and what better way to do that than through his relationships in Washington? He may therefore seek to differ from his predecessor in tone and approach, if not substance, when it comes to working with Biden and a possible second Trump presidency.
Speaking to the BBC during the election campaign, Claudia Scheinbaum said she wouldn’t be upset no matter which president took the White House: “I’m going to fight for Mexicans,” she told me.
But Mexicans themselves do not remember Trump’s presidency fondly. His provocative comments calling Mexican immigrants “drug dealers, criminals and rapists” as he descended the infamous golden escalator to launch his 2016 campaign remain offensive to many Mexicans.
Billions of dollars of trade are at stake for Canada.
Jessica Murphy, BBC News, Toronto
America’s northern neighbor is concerned about the reelection of President Donald Trump.
Trump has never been more popular in Canada than he is among some in the United States, and one poll earlier this year showed a majority of people worried American democracy would not endure another four years of Trump’s rule.
Yet while bilateral relations have experienced strains during Trump’s term, Canada has achieved some wins, including a successful renegotiation of the North American Trade Agreement.
With the U.S. presidential election in November looming, Canadian political and business circles are already preparing for further trade disruption.
It’s hard to overstate how closely linked the two countries are, especially economically: last year, some 3.6 billion Canadian dollars (2.6 billion US dollars, 2.1 billion pounds) of trade crossed the border every day.
So the planned formal review of trade agreements and the Trump campaign’s speculation about global tariffs on imports are both cause for concern.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau launched the “Team Canada” project, sending politicians, envoys and business leaders across the country to promote Canadian values both publicly and privately.
A similar effort was successful during President Trump’s first term.
“Our country is prepared to meet any challenge,” Trudeau said.
