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Home » The complicated story of the local option transfer tax
Political

The complicated story of the local option transfer tax

i2wtcBy i2wtcJune 9, 2024No Comments6 Mins Read
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The saga of high real estate fees may not be over in Beacon Hill (Matt Stone/Boston Herald)

The housing policy debate is starting to reach a boiling point on Beacon Hill, and talk of local option fees on high-value property sales is far from over.

With less than two months left before the state Legislature is scheduled to officially finish legislating for the current fiscal year, a multibillion-dollar borrowing bill focused on housing affordability and housing affordability issues in Massachusetts has just passed the House of Representatives.

But the proposal did not include a key provision that Gov. Maura Healey has touted as one surefire way to raise money for more affordable housing across the state: a tax on high-value real estate transactions.

The local choice tax has had a winding path through the state legislature.

Politics and politics logoThe policy has garnered support from Boston Mayor Michelle Wu, who has proposed a “modest transfer fee” as a way to encourage communities to address their housing problems. The proposal has also been the subject of fierce opposition from the Greater Boston Association of Realtors, which has called the idea an “unpredictable revenue stream.”

Then there’s House Speaker Ron Mariano, who initially told business leaders in March that even if the idea of ​​transfer “concerns some of you,” “we have to look at all options that could actually make a difference.”

He made it clear he did not know whether there were enough votes to pass the bill in the House of Representatives, and said whether he supported it would depend on how the fees were implemented.

“We want to make it doable. We don’t want to impede construction,” he said after the March speech. “When I read the governor’s opinion, my first reaction was, this may be too expensive.”

But as the months passed, Mariano began to question the idea, and eventually, when House Democratic leaders released their own version of a housing bond bill, the relocation fee was nowhere to be found.

Mariano told reporters on Monday that he had begun discussing the idea with other council members and that the fee “is not going to be as universally appealing as we thought it would be.”

“This patchwork attempt to fund housing is not even supported by the administration’s research that was included in the original bond bill,” he said. “It’s hugely unfair. Nantucket is getting a lot of funding, and Lawrence is getting very little. When you have that kind of disparity, it’s hard to implement effective housing policy that will encourage development.”

If Mariano is against the proposal, there’s no need to give up just yet.

Senate President Karen Spilka and her aides could decide to revive the bill, but it remains unclear where the Ashland Democrat stands on the policy.

“Housing is one of the most important issues facing Massachusetts, and the Senate President is committed to taking action to make housing more affordable for all Massachusetts residents. The Senate is considering the House-passed bill and looks forward to introducing its own legislation,” a spokesman for Governor Spilka said in a statement this week.

Healey could press his case behind closed doors while senators draft the bond bill, or he could apply pressure on lawmakers if the bill moves to private floor negotiations later.

Healey initially proposed imposing a local option real estate transaction fee of 0.5 to 2 percent on property sales over $1 million, or the national median home sale price, and using the revenue from the fee to fund affordable housing development.

The Healey government estimated the fee would affect less than 14% of all home sales.

Wu has been a supporter of the 2% fee, telling lawmakers at a hearing last year that transfer fees are “a powerful tool that is out of reach without the approval of the Legislature and the governor.”

“Revenues from this fee will help build supportive housing and ensure seniors can continue to live in their homes,” Wu said at the hearing, “build new homes for families displaced by rising housing prices, and enable first-time homebuyers to settle and raise their families in Boston.”

As the Senate prepares to rewrite the housing bond bill, lobbying to repeal or retain the transfer tax is sure to intensify.

In a statement this week, Greg Basile, CEO of the Greater Boston Association of Realtors, praised the rejection of “harmful and ineffective” policy proposals from the House bill.

“Massachusetts should focus on building the hundreds of thousands of homes needed to meet demand while keeping our state an attractive place for existing and future businesses,” he said in a statement.

Material from the State House News Service was used in this report.

Chris Van Buskirk

Prisoners of the Governor’s Council

Given the Governor’s Council’s sordid history, is it so surprising that a former inmate from a prison would seek election to that council?

Sean Michael Murphy, 48, a Bridgewater attorney who served in federal court on drug charges (oxycodone) in his youth, is now running for the Democratic nomination to replace Robert Jubinville, who resigned to become a district court clerk.

If elected, Murphy would join a long line of legally embattled politicians on a council that Gov. James Michael Curley famously called a “whorehouse.”

Current member Marilyn Petitt-Devaney got into trouble in Waltham in 2007 over a hair straightener and a retail store clerk. She’s now in her mid-80s and is running for re-election.

JoJo Langone, who served as a North End council member until the early 1980s, served six months in prison for assaulting a federal officer and was elected to the council after being released from prison.

In the 1960s, a pardon and commutation-trading scandal sent several of the governor’s council members to prison. Corrupt politicians reportedly even had a rate card for the cost of pardons — high fees for murder, low fees for simple assault. The bribes were handed out to various henchmen in the lobby of the old Manger Hotel on Beacon Hill.

The most notorious of the corrupt ex-governor’s council members was the newspaper’s former sportswriter, Dan Coakley, who was disbarred a century ago in a “Badger Game” scandal involving two district attorneys, but that didn’t stop him from winning election to the council from Brighton.

Coakley’s sordid career finally ended when he was caught arranging a pardon for an up-and-coming gangster, Raymond L.S. Patriarca, who had been convicted of assault. Coakley submitted letters of support for Patriarca from several priests, including a “Father Fagin,” who turned out to be a fictitious man.

Coakley was impeached by the House of Representatives and convicted by the state Senate.

So what’s wrong with Sean Michael Murphy? His campaign slogan should be “The Tradition Continues.”

Howie Carr






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