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In Pakistan’s general elections held in February 2024, the participation of religious parties increased significantly, with 23 parties (see Figure 1) 175 The number of registered parties identifying themselves as sectarian has increased from just 12 in 2018. However, this increase has not necessarily translated into electoral success, as the vote share of many sectarian parties, especially smaller ones, has been steadily declining since 2013.
In Pakistan, the military, often referred to as the “deep state”, has played a key role in determining who controls the government.
In Pakistan, the military, often referred to as the “deep state”, has played a key role in determining who is in power. Without the military’s support, strong electoral support alone is not enough to take power. Political parties have devised strategies to leverage the “deep state”,be chosen in an election“To bolster their outlook, leadership from sectarian parties has been blaming their roots on theBiladari System’ tie He was unable to rise to the highest echelons of government along with the military.
Figure 1: Pakistan’s religious parties and their sectarian affiliations.
Source: Dawn
Poor performance in the 2024 election
The performance of religious parties peaked in 2002 when the six-party coalition was formed. Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) It is now the third largest political force in Pakistan. The coalition developed in response to General Musharraf’s crackdown on religious extremist organizations and to demonstrate cooperation with the U.S. “war on terror” policy and its political base in Afghanistan. In 2018, religious parties saw themselves gaining electoral momentum, but this year they were caught in the crossfire of pro- and anti-establishment sentiment in Pakistan and had minimal impact on the elections (see Figure 2). They only managed to win around 100 seats. 12 percent This was a significant drop from twice the national vote share. Ten percent This is up from just 5% in 2013 to 2018. Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) Second and third most common They each increased the number of candidates and replaced the two major parties, the PPP and the PML-N.
Figure 2: Comparison of vote share of religious parties in the 2018 and 2024 general elections in Pakistan.
Source: Gallup Pakistan
2018 also marked the debut of the far-right Barelvi party Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), which emerged as the fifth largest party, sparking speculation that it was being backed by the military to undermine Nawaz Sharif’s party. call End of prophecy. As in 2018, overall voter turnout in 2024 will be Stagnated Despite having their hands together Sunni Tehrik (ST)— Barelvi Party Blame India supports Deobandi jihadi leaders. Political parties like Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) could not win a single seat in the National Assembly, resulting in Sheikh Sairajul Haq Abdication.
The Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam (Women)’s victory in only three seats in the National Assembly evokes unsatisfactory memories of the 1997 elections, when the Taliban’s advance in Afghanistan was expected to impact Pakistan’s political landscape, particularly leading to the formation of a conservative government in Balochistan.
The fact that Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F) managed to win only three seats in the National Assembly; Unfulfilled memories In the 1997 election The Taliban’s invasion of Afghanistan was expected to affect the political situation in Pakistan, especially in Balochistan, leading to the establishment of a conservative government. However, taking advantage of their friendly relations with the government, Taliban leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman invaded Pakistan and transaction It negotiated with the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) not to disrupt Pakistan’s elections, and secured a parliamentary seat from the Baloch border district of Pishin. It succumbed to the JUI-F’s populist credentials and history of progressive coalition government. ‘Da tekidarro daraa (Contractor side) In the past, it has actively cooperated with left-wing and liberal parties. The current opposition coalition, such as the People’s Democratic Movement (PDM),Its performance in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) has been said to be disappointing.The internal weakening of existing political parties led the Deobandi madrassa network to merge with Sindhi nationalism to save face in Sindh.
Deconstructing the pursuit of mainstream appeal
Reversing tradition, this time religious parties seem to have moved closer to mainstream politics. This repositioning is evidenced by their attempt to shake off their conservative image by focusing on women’s rights, a key concern for a significant portion of the electorate. Close scrutiny of their pledges, especially on gender segregation of schools, desks and public transport, reveals that such promises are merely symbolic. While creating safe spaces for women is important, “segregation” can quickly become “segregation” and hinder assimilation and social inclusion. Reinforcing gender stereotypesThis pattern is Social media usage In Pakistan, gender discrimination has also occurred, with polling stations being separated by gender. Transgender Community They were unable to exercise their right to vote in the February elections, hindering their access to the electoral process.
Riding behind theIslam, Pakistan, or Awam The TLP sought to establish itself as a mainstream political party by implementing comprehensive policies. ManifestoHowever, the terminology remains vague. In 2023, the party held a three-week protest march to protest skyrocketing gasoline prices and inflation. The party has also mobilized women, this time fielding female candidates in general parliamentary seats, and has vowed to set up a special institution to protect women’s rights and guarantee women’s legal and Sharia rights in areas such as inheritance.
Jamaat-e-Islami is Manifesto It promised women’s rights enshrined in the Quran and Hadith in 2023. The manifesto stated, “We will take immediate steps to provide women with a share in their father’s or husband’s property, relax age limits for widowed and divorced women in civil service, and provide a safe working environment with maternity and childcare leave.” It announced legal measures to economically empower women by promoting the Yellow Industry. Its core argument revolved around reforming the legal framework to address dowry, honor killings, and other significant obstacles to women’s full rights in society.
The manifesto also emphasizes that candidates who do not give due inheritance to female family members will be barred from running for election or traveling abroad, which is a rather extreme stance. Overall, the proposal to establish a family system for the stability and protection of the family system in line with traditional values is a return to square one, as the traditional family system is based on unequal power relations, gendered division of labor, and the transmission of violence against women. It is also inconsistent with the comprehensive understanding of the family system that these parties claim to support, which includes both extended and single families in its definition.
The manifesto also stresses that candidates who do not give fair inheritances to female family members will be banned from standing for election or travelling abroad, which is a rather extreme stance.
The religious parties’ obsessive mainstream signalling underpins their appearance-based tendencies and is likely to undermine their long-term political legitimacy. fractured a bone It weakens the support base of the Barelvi parties and weakens their bargaining power with the incumbent parties. In the process, it also confuses and alienates the existing voter base. For example, the TLP first rose to fame by winning over the conservative wing of the mainstream parties, whereas the JUI-F did so for old-school Islamism (imposition of Sharia law). Their earnest attempts to steal the mainstream through post-Islamic politics (democratic values) are likely to eat away at a significant portion of the conservative voter base.
Similarly, their ideological constraints will resist political expediency, as seen in their example. Incompetent To include transgender people, they are counted under the term gender minority. Manifesto of the PPP, PML-N, PTI and ANP.
Chasing mainstream dreams, facing sectarian realities
This is not to say that Islamic politics is the monopoly of sectarian parties alone. Mainstream parties like PTI, PPP and PML-N, despite their pretensions, conveniently repeat Islamic tenets. PTI aims to follow the welfare state model, Islamic Socialism and ‘Medina-like welfarism While arguing against Islamophobia At the international forum, the PML-N was quick to go after the PTI’s holy grail. Religious standardsMoreover, these parties are actively using sectarian parties to serve their electoral interests. Allies JUI-F in Balochistan and Loggerhead Turtle The PTI cooperated with the party in Sindh, while it used the Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC), which had initially stayed out of the contest, to legitimize its reserved candidates.
Historically, Islamist parties have performed better when they have formed coalition governments similar to the MMA. Sectarian conflict The movement, which emerged from a three-way turf war among Pakistan’s Sunni Muslims and features radical Barelivism pitted against Deobandis and Wahhabis, has put intense pressure on political parties to prioritize personal interests. Therefore, mEach party risked clashing in its own stronghold, as happened with the JI and JUI-F in KP and Balochistan. Given the fragmentation of the religious parties’ vote base, this tactic proved counterproductive.
Overall, the thwarting of a religious dark horse in Pakistan’s elections is good news for India, as these destabilising factors are Anti-India extremists maintain Tie your tie It is allied with the Deep State, the TTP, the ISKP and the Taliban, with parties like JI in particular campaigning on the platform of independence for Palestine and Kashmir, and the TTP recently calling for unity with defeated Islamist parties. “Inspired by the Taliban in Afghanistan” order.
Their strong grassroots influence, coming from social activist backgrounds, often obscures the rural-urban voting divide. Post-vote analysis shows that the TLP past Resonating with the younger, tech-savvy, educated and lower middle class, the JI trailed the mainstream PPP by seven seats in Karachi’s local elections. 45 percent Their reach, unlike this time, is unlimited if they effectively harness their voter base (voter support base). For now, their electoral marginalization is likely to curtail their capacity as an influential pressure group to inject fundamentalism into policy in a crisis-prone Pakistan, where rational capacity is already undermined by “mixed races” and economic woes, and which eases security concerns for India.
Vaishali Jaipal She is a research intern at the Observer Research Foundation.
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